Arrests: what do they mean?
It has been said that you can tell an African
President's agenda, whether economic or
political, by his first arrests. In Bingu's case
we have to 'except' the arrest of Friday Jumbe
and other UDF ex-ministers in connection with
alleged corruption. Given the anti-corruption
sentiments current after the elections Bingu
had no choice but to act. His own first arrests
were the 'alleged Sanjika plotters', Harry
Thomson et al. As the plotters were quickly
'pardoned', commentators saw 'the politics of
'Muluzi marginalisation' at work. In 1994
Muluzi himself had used the Mwanza Trial
against Banda and Tembo to good effect; it
kept the Human Righters busy while he was
aggressively and ruthlessly building his
patronage base.
Ghosts
If the 'Sanjika plotters' were a diversionary
political ploy, the arrest of two of the most
effective journalists in Malawi - Mabvuto
Banda of the Nation & Ralph Tenthani of the
BBC and the Vice President's spokesman,
Horace Nyaka - this week is not. The three
are accused of disseminating a false story
about the President being afraid of ghosts
haunting the New State House - Dr Banda's
folly - in Lilongwe.
It was alleged that religious leaders had been
asked to pray for the exorcism of the ghosts.
The arrests may expose the politics; if
religious leaders do indeed rush to pray for
the removal of the ghosts, then the story was
true. Cynics have advised religious leaders to
stay away: why pray for a 'man of the people'-
who has chased Parliament from a large
sensible site; wants to live in a 100 room
palace alone; wants the donors and Malawi
tax payers to pay for another large building -
when there are at least three other suitable
presidential palaces already?
The Vice President
The arrest of the Vice President's spokesman
underlines the rift between Mutharika and VP
Chilumpha. The two have never seen eye to
eye since 1993 when Chilumpha led a group
within the UDF which prevented Mutharika
from standing against Muluzi. The rift
between the president and his VP has
weakened the centre of government. Most
government ministries have two wings - an
obvious Presidential one and a covert Vice
Presidential one. This has consequences for
strong effective government and - as
Chilumpha is a Muluzi supporter - also has
consequences for the anti-corruption drive
against the former Muluzi administration,
should the president, who is past 70, become
infirm.
A more likely cause for the ghost story - given
that its source has been alleged as the
arrested VP press spokesman - is the fact
that Bingu, who is known to have an
extremely thin skin and does not tolerate
criticism well, over-reacted to the story
because of its 'Macbeth-ian' overtones. The
ghost story has been linked to the alleged
liking by the new president for good living,
fine wine and whisky, a story that journalists
and civil servants have been tattling, but not
printing, since the president's trip to Taiwan.
Patronage Building
Those who know and have worked with Bingu
report that he can be tetchy, short-tempered
and has an egotistical streak like Banda. He
does not suffer fools gladly and has Banda's
liking for 'yes men'. He has already taken to
telling journalists how to do their jobs. His
promises are unraveling and the strategy for
his new party, the DPP, is straight out of the
Muluzi book of patronage building.
Despite being an economist, after nearly year
into his presidency none of his economic
miracles have begun to show. Most of his
energies have been diverted by his tussle
with Muluzi. And there lies the problem.
Unless pressure groups stand up to
Mutharika's regime Malawi will slide back into
autocracy.
The Democratic Peoples Party
But most religious leaders and pressure
groups are still grateful for the role Mutharika
played in getting rid of Muluzi. Potential
opposition figures are busy sliding to his
Democratic People's Party (DPP). And
economists are still giving him the benefit of
the doubt. With nearly a year gone there are
still few concrete results from the war on
corruption. And as his own DPP enters the
battle for patronage rights it is to be expected
that Bingu will accelerate the process of
making compromises with - as has been
cruelly observed - ex-UDF, ex-MCP potential
recruits to the DPP (already dubbed UDF
team B or MCP team C). Gwanda
Chakuamba, Hetherwick Ntaba, Uladi Mussa
and a number of other ex-UDF, ex-RP, ex-
MCP and 'ex-this that and the other' have
already rolled into the yet to be registered
DPP.
The Reserve Bank and the Small Credit Fund
Making these political compromises will not
be difficult. Just as the UDF was built on the
back of the MASAF (Malawi Social Action
Fund), the DPP is said to be predicated on a
K1 billion small business loan scheme, with
DPP members getting preferential treatment.
And just as Muluzi removed a potentially
troublesome Reserve Bank Governor,
Mutharika has done likewise. The new
Reserve Bank Governor is Victor Mbewe,
hitherto a highly respected banker. The new
small loans will be disbursed with Reserve
Bank say so and Mr Mbewe is still, at the time
of writing, the chairman of Mutharika's small
credit fund scheme on which he has promised
to base his development
programme.
The Need for Scrutiny
The feeling among critical observers is that,
like the first Muluzi administration, Bingu's
may be able to persuade donors and some
religious and NGO groupings that economic
and political processes are in a reformist and
non-corrupt vein. The political undertones are
not too encouraging in that regard. There are
too many old guard or chameleon politicians
more interested in safeguarding their harvests
from the Muluzi era for that to work - unless
more scrutiny than was applied to Muluzi is
applied to the Bingu administration.
As reports of a poor harvest trickle in from a
number of districts it is clear that Mutharika,
even without the ghosts of new state house -
real or imaginary - already has too many
enemies and problems to deal with. His
temperament is such that only a sustained,
firm but friendly, critical engagement by
opposition groups and the churches will
ensure that his presidency delivers what it
originally promised - a successful and
corruption free Malawi.